Trump's Deportation Plan: High Costs for Taxpayers, Billions in Profits for Big Business"
The private companies quietly operating much of the federal immigration detention and deportation system stand to gain significantly if Donald Trump returns to office. Trump has pledged a “mass deportation” campaign targeting millions of undocumented immigrants, a plan the American Immigration Council estimates could span a decade and cost up to a trillion dollars. To accomplish this, experts say, the federal government would likely need to expand its partnerships with private contractors who already play a significant role in the immigration enforcement process.
"A mass deportation plan requires a mass detention plan," said Jesse Franzblau, senior policy analyst at the National Immigrant Justice Center. "We’ll likely see an effort to expand the detention infrastructure to detain people awaiting deportation." The model for such an expansion already exists at the U.S. border.
For over a decade, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has relied on private contractors to set up temporary outdoor detention sites for recent arrivals, and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) has done the same to house unaccompanied children in temporary shelters. DHS's Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency, which manages nearly every aspect of immigration enforcement, depends heavily on contractors for transport, detention, and deportation logistics.
Linda Corchado, an immigration attorney based in El Paso, Texas, said DHS is well-prepared to handle a large-scale deportation push, given its extensive contracting network. Both Democratic and Republican administrations have used the private sector to rapidly increase detention capacity, though government watchdogs have raised concerns about issues such as excessive spending and lack of oversight. Past audits have identified deficiencies and subpar conditions in some contractor-operated detention facilities.
ICE asserts that it conducts “multi-layered oversight” of its contractors to ensure humane treatment of detainees. However, critics worry private contractors may prioritize profit over care. "They're motivated by profit, not care," said Vicki Gaubeca, associate director of U.S. Immigration and Border Policy at Human Rights Watch.
Immigration enforcement is indeed lucrative business. Corporations holding federal contracts for detention, security, and deportation could see significant gains if enforcement ramps up. This includes large, publicly traded companies like GEO Group and CoreCivic, along with privately held firms such as MVM Inc., which transports detainees, and CSI Aviation Services, which provides charter flights for deportations. Despite the Biden administration’s steps to reduce reliance on private contractors in federal prisons, DHS still contracts companies like GEO Group and CoreCivic for immigration detention.
GEO Group executives have signaled their readiness to adapt to a potential Trump administration policy shift, indicating that ICE contracts account for roughly $1 billion annually. Similarly, CoreCivic has told investors that the outcome of the next election will be crucial for its federal contract-dependent business.
Expanding deportation efforts would likely require additional detention capacity, possibly involving the military, local governments, and private contractors, according to former Trump administration officials. Mark Morgan, former acting head of U.S. Customs and Border Protection, noted that family detention centers might be reactivated to accommodate increased detention needs.
Current ICE funding allows for the daily detention of approximately 41,500 people, a number that peaked around 55,000 under Trump. The American Immigration Council estimates that deporting a million people annually would require a 24-fold increase in ICE’s detention capacity.
Immigration contracts also extend to the care of unaccompanied minors. Rapid Deployment Inc., an Alabama-based contractor, received a $4.8 billion contract to run an HHS shelter at Fort Bliss, Texas, where whistleblowers reported issues with children’s case management. Sen. Chuck Grassley has criticized HHS’s lack of transparency, which he says allows contractors to operate with limited public oversight.
Even deportation flights are big business. Companies like Classic Air Charter have received millions to fly deportees to their home countries. The Biden administration is expected to log around 1,600 deportation flights this year, each conducted by private contractors, according to Witness at the Border, a nonprofit monitoring deportation flights. Expanding such operations under Trump would require a dramatic increase in chartered flights, a capacity ICE currently lacks.
Organizations like the Center for Human Rights at the University of Washington, which track ICE flights, have raised concerns about the lack of transparency in these operations. "The secrecy around deportation is troubling," said Angelina Godoy, the center's director.
The private companies quietly operating much of the federal immigration detention and deportation system stand to gain significantly if Donald Trump returns to office. Trump has pledged a “mass deportation” campaign targeting millions of undocumented immigrants, a plan the American Immigration Council estimates could span a decade and cost up to a trillion dollars. To accomplish this, experts say, the federal government would likely need to expand its partnerships with private contractors who already play a significant role in the immigration enforcement process.
"A mass deportation plan requires a mass detention plan," said Jesse Franzblau, senior policy analyst at the National Immigrant Justice Center. "We’ll likely see an effort to expand the detention infrastructure to detain people awaiting deportation." The model for such an expansion already exists at the U.S. border.
For over a decade, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has relied on private contractors to set up temporary outdoor detention sites for recent arrivals, and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) has done the same to house unaccompanied children in temporary shelters. DHS's Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency, which manages nearly every aspect of immigration enforcement, depends heavily on contractors for transport, detention, and deportation logistics.
Linda Corchado, an immigration attorney based in El Paso, Texas, said DHS is well-prepared to handle a large-scale deportation push, given its extensive contracting network. Both Democratic and Republican administrations have used the private sector to rapidly increase detention capacity, though government watchdogs have raised concerns about issues such as excessive spending and lack of oversight. Past audits have identified deficiencies and subpar conditions in some contractor-operated detention facilities.
ICE asserts that it conducts “multi-layered oversight” of its contractors to ensure humane treatment of detainees. However, critics worry private contractors may prioritize profit over care. "They're motivated by profit, not care," said Vicki Gaubeca, associate director of U.S. Immigration and Border Policy at Human Rights Watch.
Immigration enforcement is indeed lucrative business. Corporations holding federal contracts for detention, security, and deportation could see significant gains if enforcement ramps up. This includes large, publicly traded companies like GEO Group and CoreCivic, along with privately held firms such as MVM Inc., which transports detainees, and CSI Aviation Services, which provides charter flights for deportations. Despite the Biden administration’s steps to reduce reliance on private contractors in federal prisons, DHS still contracts companies like GEO Group and CoreCivic for immigration detention.
GEO Group executives have signaled their readiness to adapt to a potential Trump administration policy shift, indicating that ICE contracts account for roughly $1 billion annually. Similarly, CoreCivic has told investors that the outcome of the next election will be crucial for its federal contract-dependent business.
Expanding deportation efforts would likely require additional detention capacity, possibly involving the military, local governments, and private contractors, according to former Trump administration officials. Mark Morgan, former acting head of U.S. Customs and Border Protection, noted that family detention centers might be reactivated to accommodate increased detention needs.
Current ICE funding allows for the daily detention of approximately 41,500 people, a number that peaked around 55,000 under Trump. The American Immigration Council estimates that deporting a million people annually would require a 24-fold increase in ICE’s detention capacity.
Immigration contracts also extend to the care of unaccompanied minors. Rapid Deployment Inc., an Alabama-based contractor, received a $4.8 billion contract to run an HHS shelter at Fort Bliss, Texas, where whistleblowers reported issues with children’s case management. Sen. Chuck Grassley has criticized HHS’s lack of transparency, which he says allows contractors to operate with limited public oversight.
Even deportation flights are big business. Companies like Classic Air Charter have received millions to fly deportees to their home countries. The Biden administration is expected to log around 1,600 deportation flights this year, each conducted by private contractors, according to Witness at the Border, a nonprofit monitoring deportation flights. Expanding such operations under Trump would require a dramatic increase in chartered flights, a capacity ICE currently lacks.
Organizations like the Center for Human Rights at the University of Washington, which track ICE flights, have raised concerns about the lack of transparency in these operations. "The secrecy around deportation is troubling," said Angelina Godoy, the center's director.
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